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пятница, 5 февраля 2010 г.

More about the phenomenon of Yeltsin

 RETRO - Philosophy I (3)
MORE ON YELTSIN Phenomenon
What's happening? An intense process "eltsinizatsii" territorial councils. It was preceded and accompanied by "eltsinizatsiya" CPSU.
What happened in November 1987 in Sverdlovsk, now more rapidly and scale is in Moscow. In the first case it turned out that Yeltsin, rather than to be thrown down was just pushed aside - became minister of the USSR. In the second - rather than be relegated to the side, he resolutely walked up: On March 26 this year 5mln.118tys.745 voters Moscow or 69,44% of voters, elected him People's Deputies. Voted against Yeltsin 512ty.094 voter or 8,9%. 92 tys.098 ballots declared invalid.
It realized nationwide political rehabilitation of a Communist Yeltsin renewed by the Soviet government. On the agenda - a clear and distinctly his rehabilitation from the Communist Party ... However, in primary Party organizations, it has been long going.
October-November crisis of 1987 and its political essence.


 
"The crisis of the Yeltsin" an acute political form is now the basic contradiction of restructuring. And she allows major restructuring today contradiction of real socialism. In the labor collectives of the country now solved the main issue - the question of power, which alone will enable the people to allow everyone else their problems fairly and on the merits. Law on State Enterprises to measure the strength and capabilities allows you to redistribute power from the administration to the very labor collective, organized by the Council (CCC). Stop at last, "confused" Soviet power - with the administration, the ideology of Marxism-Leninism - the ideology of the personality cult of his superiors, administrative arbitrariness and fantasy - from the tops of the State of Wisdom, administrative delight - with the fervor of communist construction "both at the shop, factory and at the level of the Ministry and the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. In short, to learn, finally, contact with his immediate superior as it deserves: to choose, if it works well and, conversely, to withdraw, if it stops working well. After all, control the packet power "- 75% of the votes in the Council working group of representatives of the rank and file members. In this circumstance the whole point!
Life, however, shows that the administration is now crushed under the STC itself.
This contradiction between the identified himself with the Soviet government administration and the people, rising to the renewal of Soviet socialist self-management should help to resolve the party organizations and party committees. It turns out most often the opposite: in the conflicts of the Party committees take the side of administration, policy making out of its interest. Why?
"We now have in their ranks of employees 48,5%, 28,6% of workers. Percentage of Communists among the workers a little more than 6 per cent, is twice less than among employees "- testified for example, the head of the 95 thousandth of the party organization first secretary of the Sverdlovsk CC CPSU. Kadochnikov VD The question is, but what is the main virtue of our civil servants? Unquestioning obedience nearest authorities - that is the whole point! Reflecting precisely this state of affairs in the political leadership of the restructuring, the January 1987 Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, reviving Lenin's approach to the issue, decided: no policy for the apparatus, and apparatus for policy! Simply put, enough party committees to dance a polka-butterfly with the economic leader in the team, it's time to turn into a body of political leadership and control team leader for the economic administrator in the lower ranks.
When Yeltsin, with his usual determination and integrity have tried to implement the political line of the January (HR) Central Committee Plenum, then came the autumn crisis is the same in 1987.
Thus, at the plenum of the CPSU MGK found that Yeltsin "did not like Moscow and Muscovites", showed "the elements of Bonapartism", paid "... calculated stab in the back of the Central Committee and its Politburo," demonstrated a "frank adventurism" and finally " rent out one position after another before the hysterics and the Black Hundreds of society "Memory".
And at the XIX All-Union Party Conference, he was accused of intending to "drive a wedge between the party committees and the working class and intelligentsia, as well as" among the delegates of the conference hall and the Presidency ".
- This, Comrade Yeltsin, you will not succeed. Do not pass! - Said first secretary of Proletarian District Party Committee in Moscow Lukin IS
In November 1987 the nascent historical and cultural association of "Fatherland" sent to the Central Committee of the Sverdlovsk following telegram: "I think that at a plenum of the Party CIM given quite biased assessment ... It seems that the massacre was carried out on this apparatus IYP Party members who , breaking the sabotage of the apparatus, in the spirit of trying to subjugate the January plenum of the Party apparatus CIM adjustment policies ... ".

 
What did Yeltsin?
First. He reminded us of the basics of Leninist theory of socialism. This is him at 27 Congress of the CPSU has said: "For us the criterion of social justice must always be first and foremost the interests of the working class. After all, if social justice even enough for the workers, then it certainly will suffice for all: the intellectuals, and peasants and honest managers.
They say: socialism - it is humanism. But if humanity is not for the workers, it is not for everyone.
They say: socialism - this is democracy. But even if it is not working, then it is only for some. The question is for whom? They say: socialism - it is self-financing. But if it is not self-supporting work, going from the bottom, it is - self-financing coming from above, therefore, does not lead to higher productivity and higher prices. Either self-supporting workers, or self-supporting without the workers, therefore, against the workers and, consequently, against all!
Second. Yeltsin destroyed the "private property" policy. Since the autumn of 1987 the policy has ceased to be known only to hardware cabinets. Politics stepped through the door, went out into the streets and in the labor collectives, became accessible to all. There is an unwritten rule: if you want to be a politician? - Be it!
It is no coincidence that Boris Yeltsin, calling for more determined to attack the bureaucracy, welcomed the social movements and popular fronts.

The political lesson of Yeltsin.
"The art of fighting in the bridgehead" - so called one of his articles in the newspaper "Soviet Russia" famous writer Ivan Vasiliev. As remaining in the minority, to wage a political struggle for a just cause in terms of restructuring? The answer to this question Yeltsin and gave us all. First, to fight for the everyday needs of people and for social justice. Not by chance, joining the First Secretary of the CPSU, Yeltsin set up the CIM in all subway and in crowded places vans with fruits and vegetables. A parallel led the fight against what he called the "mafia". This meant that the life-giving juices political prestige flowed to him now is not from the chair, but from the people. The best way to dispose of "chair" in terms of restructuring!
Secondly, political fighter - is the one who tightly "embraced" the basic principles of the Party's policy of perestroika. He embraced and does not want their sacrifice does not matter what. Whatever reproached him for his character, for the liberty, for a contrasting view of the authorities, ie "Majority". In short, for their unwillingness to compromise the principles of ... What has now become a sign of good breeding and the identification mark of the so-called "decent people".
Third, the policy should not appeal to the official opinion of the authorities, not the opinion of "decent people", but to the objective state of affairs. To the masses, of course. How? But exactly how this is possible at any given moment! Fourthly, if a political fighter, not looking for anything, kept his place in the bridgehead, it means that he mustered the political restructuring of the army - a politically armed people. Example: when on March 19 overturned the Moscow city council meeting-a meeting with Boris Yeltsin in the Moscow Park of Culture and Rest Gorky, thousands of citizens went to the Moscow Soviet, and at his door without prior arrangement demonstration held. Board had to agree that spilled into the streets of Moscow is not "foam" adjustment, but a real restructuring.

 
Phenomenon Volkova.
How should assess that famous speech Volkova at the XIX Party Conference? His sincere impulse he had saved the honor of the Sverdlovsk regional political party organization and all of Sverdlovsk. On arrival of the delegation from Moscow, from Ekaterinburg in meetings with the delegates confirmed that this is so.
Volkov - is an example of a Communist, awakened and nurtured political lesson of Yeltsin. Evidence that "eltsinizatsiya" Communist Party is and will continue to go.
... In the elections for the 294 constituency Volkov scored 82,2% of votes. In Ordzhonikidze district felt the atmosphere is not only political but also the popular moral recovery. Even the kids on election day dedication led her parents to the polling stations and gave them the mandate for whom to vote. Accidental? Of course not! In the main area of Sverdlovsk proletarian who intuitively, and who consciously saw in the act of a private secretary of the Party politician p and b of h and x.
Today Volkov has become a popular politician. Under the pressure of popular confidence and enthusiasm it faster and faster becoming a democratic politician. But he has yet to become a politician truly proletarian. And we sincerely wish him luck in that the only right way.
On private property ... to Yeltsin.
Yeltsin himself by his act to abolish the private ownership of the policy. But not before we had time to recover, immediately before our eyes, there was private ownership of ... Yeltsin himself.
Expressing the will and the mindset of ordinary voters, Ural Popular Front called for active participation in the elections. Formula of political behavior at the ballot box was as follows: given the lack of democratic electoral procedures, taking into account the situation in Moscow, delete all but Volkova. And then later, you can nominate a more worthy candidates, such as Yeltsin, if the bureaucracy will thwart him in Moscow. Of course, that rule is applied to the Leninsky district of the territorial number 292, where Yeltsin, moreover, has already passed (before withdrawing his candidacy in favor of Moscow). And what happened? Headquarters for the elections, serving of the candidate Gennady Burbulis issued a leaflet, which stated that the Council of the Urals and the Popular Front for the unification of the Fatherland called to boycott the elections in the Leninsky district, using the name of Yeltsin!. The question is: is it call delete both candidates and call to boycott the elections - it is one and the same? But with such a strikeout on all other Burbulis quite agree ... So it turns out that the scratch for Yeltsin scientist or economist Chichkanova Month - a good thing. But scratch the name of Yeltsin Gennady Burbulis - this is bad. Delete all but Burbulis - democracy. And deleted all together with Burbulis - a sabotage! At public meetings of his followers is simple: who calls Burbulis vote for that Democrat. And who calls to vote "against" - that nationalist.
Think about yourself, what is democracy in the Supreme Court gave us with you a member!
What we now need?
What is needed now to make a hardware change in the bureaucracy of proletarian democracy, and therefore truly a socialist? We must remain vigilant so that instead of the illiterate apparatchik and tongue-tied around his neck, we have not sat down silver-tongued "Democrat", yesterday was serviced this apparatchik in good faith and in earnest. Today, they both want to just refurbish the facade of a bureaucratic system, replacing the bureaucracy - gruppokratiey. We assert that the ideology of adjustment - it is not a proletarian ideology of Leninism and anti-Stalinism. But how, please tell us using the "anti-Stalinism", which is terribly dangerous for the dead Stalin, you can cope with today's bureaucrat, unashamedly crushed under itself and the election of the Supreme Council and the election in STK? So what do today?
Further "eltsinizatsiya" Soviets, labor groups, the primary Party organizations, the further "eltsinizatsiya" STK.

 
On behalf of the Council of the Popular Front for the Ural V. Molchanov,
Officer of the Sverdlovsk Medical Institute, Doctor of Philosophy
SCIENCE URAL », № 18 (418) Thursday, May 4, 1989, edition 8408.

 
-------------------------------------------------- -------------------------------------------------- -----------------------------------------------
  
EDITORIAL
    
"Bereznikovskiy worker"
 
Organ Berezniki Party Committee, City Council
 
             
Address: Berezniki,
                
st. Anniversary, 1
 
             
Phone 5-47-81
                
Letter Department
 
                
May 14, 1989
 

  
-------------------------------------------------- -------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------------- By number 1439
 
Sverdlovsk, 620059 st. 22 Partsezda, 3 apartment 6.
 
Valery Molchanov.
 
  
 
                                              
Dear Valery!
 
Your material "Phenomenon Yeltsin" will not be published in "Berezniki work" - the editors found it weak and unconvincing.
 
 
                
Zam. Editor
                
"Bereznikovskiy Worker NS Near-fist.

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