Once again about Boris Yeltsin and his fans

 
Ekaterinburg issued a decree establishing a center of Boris Yeltsin

03. 09 [14:09]

In Yekaterinburg, Sverdlovsk Governor Eduard Rossel has signed a decree "On the Presidential Center of Boris Yeltsin."

According Nakanune.RU in the department of information policy of the governor of the Sverdlovsk region, according to the published document, President Boris N. Yeltsin center housed in a building being constructed business center, located on the street, Boris Yeltsin. Also, Eduard Rossel his decree instructed the Government of Sverdlovsk region to assist in the task of completing the building of business center and host the Presidential center of Boris Yeltsin. Monitoring the implementation of the governor's decree gave the head of his administration Alexander Levin. Source: On the eve
"Regent" with common property.
 (Soviet administration at the Crossroads)


Main character.

The Soviet administration at the crossroads ... This conclusion arises when meeting with the two publications of the regional trade union newspaper "working words» (№ 34-35 this year).

In the first of them talking about how the Kamyshlov leaders of the two companies met the decree of the President of Russia departizatsii. According to the author, they met his stormy administrative activity, practical content that (contrary to the meaning of the Ordinance) was the elimination of the team ... trade union organizations.

In the second - more information about the V Regional Committee plenum workers' union local industry and municipal enterprises, which reported that among 110 invitees "in the main leaders of the industry from all over the field." And unlike their colleagues, they hurried Kamyshlovsk clearly questioned the usefulness of haste, this time in the course of privatization. Why? Because "no one can explain the purpose of privatization, if and explained that the working man is not clear, it is something that might benefit from this?" And in this issue, as it turns out, the leaders of labor groups found in the union a full understanding and support.


What is the point?

The point is that, apparently, right before our eyes, begins the process of disengagement of the two sections of the Soviet administration on the question of who is today will not only factual, but now the legal owner of the former, the so-called "public property". That is, legal ownership of "all" ... The one about which we know for certain as his, but the good feeling that it is not ours. The relation to "today's trade unions" by the administration here, and inevitably arises ...

In the six years of restructuring, we saw kaleidoscopic mass of active characters: the right and left, party bureaucrats and the Democrats, the center and the republic, the Liberals and Conservatives, ministries and enterprises, and neozapadniki neoslavyanofily, Stalinists and anti-Stalinists, etc. etc. Not seen and not heard was only one of its most important characters, for which she has started the restructuring, which we encounter every day at work and on the behavior (social, political and ideological) which depends on it - ADJUSTMENT - fate. This - Soviet socialist administration.

Why do we depend on it now, ideologically, politically and socially? Because the stomach of each of us depends on it long ago. As to the "perestroika" and now.
With Complete silence on this basic fact of "perestroika" all these years and went.

LOMIMSYA an open door.

Generally speaking, the administration - the thing itself is very, very necessary. In a sense it is synonymous with what we unthinkingly refer to as "modern civilization" and in the bosom of which seek to "return". After all, the life force of irony, the same concept sometimes referred to by different words. So we simply lomimsya an open door.

It is well known: in order to have a useful thing, it is necessary to produce it. To perform, you need to work. And every living work requires an environment of favorable circumstances, the totality of which is called "dead labor". That's superintendence these dead labor administration, then in any modern society and need. In "our socialist" including ...

Speaking even easier, there is a technological discipline. In it people and things "lapped" to each other. In this their "mutual friction" people-workers usually see the greater good. Experiencing this system of universal utility specific satisfaction. And now enjoy "a mutually convenient", and they are usually referred to as a "civilized". Sociologists and journalists - in that they indulge. It explains everything (the notorious "love of his superiors - including!), In other words ...

But the point, however, that the relationship between "dead" and "alive" can hardly be different and even opposite. Under the doctrine of "Capital" domination of living labor over the dead is called public property. And on the doctrine of the Manifesto ... "- this is called" communism "... And he started in our country so.

- One day - wrote in his memoirs about Lenin American journalist Albert Rhys Williams - his delegation visited the workers in response to a they have a question: Could he decreed the nationalization of their businesses.

- Of course - said Lenin and picked up a blank form - if everything depended on me, then everything would be solved very simply. It was enough for me to take these forms and here stamped the name of your company, sign up here, but at this point to indicate the name of the Commissioner.

The workers were very happy and said:

- Well, that's fine.

- But before you sign this form - Lenin went on, - I must ask you a few questions. First of all, do you know where to get raw materials for your business?

Delegates reluctantly agreed, they do not know.

- Can you keep books? - Continued Lenin. - Have you developed ways to increase output?

The workers responded negatively, and acknowledged that they, considering it a minor matter, did not attach much importance to him.
- Finally, comrades, let me ask you, have you found a market for their products?

Again they answered "no".

- Well, comrades, - said the Chairman of People's Commissars, - do not you think that you are not yet ready to take now works in their hands? Back home and start over all of this work. It will be hard, you'll sometimes be wrong, but will gain knowledge and experience. A few months come again, and then we'll revisit the issue of nationalization of your plant ...

... Since then, as workers left for several months, it has been more than seventy years ...


SOCIALISM IS NOT WORKING MOTION ...

But who were put on the case while the class victory in the 17 th year, learned the lesson of political economy of socialism that formal socialization and the socialization of real property - these things are very, very different?

This time the holder of real property rights on a plan on October 17 th and was the administration. Soviet socialist ... recognized her right - to be the guarantor and organizer of a technological discipline at work imperceptibly, but surely turned into her right to be representative and holder of the State in society. After all, the right and responsibility for the state plan has always been in her hands. It is no accident, therefore, in my mind and in real cases, we constantly confuse Soviet power - with the administration of ...

Can not say that for seventy years of workers made no effort to come, finally, in possession of their inheritance. Such attempts are, of course, been made, and more than once. Thus, in parallel with the known Stakhanov initiative, which was based on the division of labor and individual piecework, there was a movement of self-supporting communes - a prototype of the team contract. Members of the communes to assume full responsibility for production, but with the administration demanded a clear logistics. But when the first two Five-Year Plan was created enormous social wealth - only industrial enterprises were built six thousand, - the question arose, who possess these riches? Partnomenklaturnuyu administration more suited Stakhanovite technological and economic individualism than collectivism communes, and she sent one form of the labor movement - against the other, tearing the first attempt of the people to take public property in the public domain.

The next break was carried out in the sixties builder Vladislav Serikov, classic team contract - this living work of political economy of socialism. But when he reached with his initiative to the USSR State Construction Committee, he heard in response: "Brigade? Row? - Shabashka kind. Our method is not! "Then there were the beginnings of Nikolai Zlobin, Seversky metallurgists, strongly supported at the time Boris Yeltsin, Kazakh agrarian Khudenko. All of them safely for themselves "reflected" administrative-command system. In the end, prevail in the society "socialism" ... without the labor movement, which spawned a caricature and anti-communism today.

Today, this system has a real chance to escape, finally, because he annoys her in the eyes of the people as a constant reminder: "Look! You dispose of property, of course, alone. However, we possess it together! "- This is the Party committees and trade union ...

With the first, as we know, the question as it solved. But with the second ...
Here's the inflamed passions in the administrative groups to drive the trade union committees, described recently by the authors "working words". But then found something else: the desire not to abolish hurry formal legal position "choirmaster" in the common property, but rather fill it with real life content. In the language of political economy is called "real socialization." And it is expressed in a simple operation - moving the administration of state employee from his work team. Togo itself, with which many intelligent leaders have somehow managed to find a common language ...

This literate administrator finally gets what he has been denied before - complete freedom from the superior bureaucrat and the full moral and material recognition for its specific work. Chief law here - Expertise in the service workforce. Denationalization without privatization, scientifically speaking.
It seems that in this case the emerging turbulent processes today, anticipating many as the threat of the coming civil war, could well prove to be well under reasonable control. Otherwise - it is difficult something is definitely positive to say.

However, after the shameful debacle of the old Communist Party, "blessed" socialism without the working class movement, a work in preparing the working group - to employ his administration - will have to conduct herself. If, of course, have enough skill and common sense.
Time will - we shall see ...


Valery Molchanov, Ph.D. in Philosophy.

"Ural worker", October 8, 1991, circulation 620,000.

"Working words», № 40 (90), October 1991, circulation 11,000.
  RETRO - Philosophy I (3)


MORE ON YELTSIN Phenomenon

What's happening? An intense process "eltsinizatsii" territorial councils. It was preceded and accompanied by "eltsinizatsiya" CPSU.

What happened in November 1987 in Sverdlovsk, now more rapidly and scale is in Moscow. In the first case it turned out that Yeltsin, rather than to be thrown down was just pushed aside - was the Minister of the USSR. In the second - rather than be relegated to the side, he resolutely walked up: On March 26 this year 5mln.118tys.745 voters Moscow or 69,44% of voters, elected him People's Deputies. Voted against Yeltsin 512ty.094 voter or 8,9%. 92 tys.098 ballots declared invalid.

It realized nationwide political rehabilitation of a Communist Yeltsin renewed by the Soviet government. On the agenda - a clear and distinctly his rehabilitation from the Communist Party ... However, in primary Party organizations, it has been long going.

October-November crisis of 1987 and its political essence.

 "The crisis of the Yeltsin" an acute political form is now the basic contradiction of restructuring. And she allows major restructuring today contradiction of real socialism.
In the labor collectives of the country now solved the main issue - the question of power, which alone will enable the people to allow everyone else their problems fairly and on the merits. Law on State Enterprises to measure the strength and capabilities allows you to redistribute power from the administration to the very labor collective, organized by the Council (CCC). Stop at last, "confused" Soviet power - with the administration, the ideology of Marxism-Leninism - the ideology of the personality cult of his superiors, administrative arbitrariness and fantasy - from the tops of the State of Wisdom, administrative delight - with the fervor of communist construction "both at the shop, factory and at the level of the Ministry and the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. In short, to learn, finally, contact with his immediate superior as it deserves: to choose, if it works well and, conversely, to withdraw, if it stops working well. After all, control the packet power "- 75% of the votes in the Council working group of representatives of the rank and file members. In this circumstance the whole point!

Life, however, shows that the administration is now crushed under the STC itself.

This contradiction between the identified himself with the Soviet government administration and the people, rising to the renewal of Soviet socialist self-management should help to resolve the party organizations and party committees. It turns out most often the opposite: in the conflicts of the Party committees take the side of administration, policy making out of its interest. Why?

"We now have in their ranks of employees 48,5%, 28,6% of workers. Percentage of Communists among the workers a little more than 6 per cent, is twice less than among employees "- testified for example, the head of the 95 thousandth of the party organization first secretary of the Sverdlovsk CC CPSU. Kadochnikov VD The question is, but what is the main virtue of our civil servants? Unquestioning obedience nearest authorities - that is the whole point!
Reflecting precisely this state of affairs in the political leadership of the restructuring, the January 1987 Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, reviving Lenin's approach to the issue, decided: no policy for the apparatus, and apparatus for policy! Simply put, enough for party committees to dance a polka-butterfly with the economic leader in the team, it's time to turn into a body of political leadership and control team leader for the economic administrator in the lower ranks.

When Yeltsin, with his usual determination and integrity have tried to implement the political line of the January (HR) Central Committee Plenum, then came the autumn crisis is the same in 1987.

Thus, at the plenum of the CPSU MGK found that Yeltsin "did not like Moscow and Muscovites", showed "the elements of Bonapartism", paid "... calculated stab in the back of the Central Committee and its Politburo," demonstrated a "frank adventurism" and finally " rent out one position after another before the hysterics and the Black Hundreds of society "Memory".

And at the XIX All-Union Party Conference, he was accused of intending to "drive a wedge between the party committees and the working class and intelligentsia, as well as" among the delegates of the conference hall and the Presidency ".

- This, Comrade Yeltsin, you will not succeed. Do not pass! - Said first secretary of Proletarian District Party Committee in Moscow Lukin IS

In November 1987 the nascent historical and cultural association of "Fatherland" sent to the Central Committee of the Sverdlovsk following telegram: "I think that at a plenum of the Party CIM given quite biased assessment ... It seems that the massacre was carried out on this apparatus IYP Party members who , breaking the sabotage of the apparatus, in the spirit of trying to subjugate the January plenum of the Party apparatus CIM adjustment policies ... ".

 What did Yeltsin?

First. He reminded us of the basics of Leninist theory of socialism. This is him at 27 Congress of the CPSU has said: "For us the criterion of social justice must always be first and foremost the interests of the working class. After all, if social justice even enough for the workers, then it certainly will suffice for all: the intellectuals, and peasants and honest managers.

They say: socialism - it is humanism. But if humanity is not for the workers, it is not for everyone.

They say: socialism - this is democracy. But even if it is not working, then it is only for some. The question is for whom?
They say: socialism - it is self-financing. But if it is not self-supporting work, going from the bottom, it is - self-financing coming from above, therefore, does not lead to higher productivity and higher prices.
Either self-supporting workers, or self-supporting without the workers, therefore, against the workers and, consequently, against all!

Second. Yeltsin destroyed the "private property" policy. Since the autumn of 1987 the policy has ceased to be known only to hardware cabinets. Politics stepped through the door, went out into the streets and in the labor collectives, became accessible to all. There is an unwritten rule: if you want to be a politician? - Be it!

It is no coincidence that Boris Yeltsin, calling for more determined to attack the bureaucracy, welcomed the social movements and popular fronts.


The political lesson of Yeltsin.

"The art of fighting in the bridgehead" - so called one of his articles in the newspaper "Soviet Russia" famous writer Ivan Vasiliev.
As remaining in the minority, to wage a political struggle for a just cause in terms of restructuring? The answer to this question Yeltsin and gave us all.
First, to fight for the everyday needs of people and for social justice. Not by chance, joining the First Secretary of the CPSU, Yeltsin set up the CIM in all subway and in crowded places vans with fruits and vegetables. A parallel led the fight against what he called "mafia". This meant that the life-giving juices political prestige flowed to him now is not from the chair, but from the people. The best way to dispose of "chair" in terms of restructuring!

Secondly, political fighter - is the one who tightly "embraced" the basic principles of the Party's policy of perestroika. He embraced and does not want their sacrifice does not matter what. Whatever reproached him for his character, for the liberty, for a contrasting view of the authorities, ie "Majority". In short, for their unwillingness to compromise the principles of ... What has now become a sign of good breeding and the identification mark of the so-called "decent people".

Third, the policy should not appeal to the official opinion of the authorities, not the opinion of "decent people", but to the objective state of affairs. To the masses, of course. How? But exactly how this is possible at any given moment!
Fourthly, if a political fighter, not looking for anything, kept his place in the bridgehead, it means that he mustered the political restructuring of the army - politically armed people. Example: when on March 19 overturned the Moscow city council meeting-a meeting with Boris Yeltsin in the Moscow Park of Culture and Rest Gorky, thousands of citizens went to the Moscow Soviet, and at his door without prior arrangement demonstration held. Board had to agree that spilled into the streets of Moscow is not "foam" adjustment, but a real restructuring.

 Phenomenon Volkova.

How should assess that famous speech Volkova at the XIX Party Conference? His sincere impulse he had saved the honor of the Sverdlovsk regional political party organization and all of Sverdlovsk. On arrival of the delegation from Moscow, from Ekaterinburg in meetings with the delegates confirmed that this is so.

Volkov - is an example of a Communist, awakened and nurtured political lesson of Yeltsin. Evidence that "eltsinizatsiya" Communist Party is and will continue to go.

... In the elections for the 294 constituency Volkov scored 82,2% of votes. In Ordzhonikidze district felt the atmosphere is not only political but also the popular moral recovery. Even the kids on election day dedication led her parents to the polling stations and gave them the mandate for whom to vote.
Accidental? Of course not! In the main proletarian near Sverdlovsk who intuitively, and who consciously saw the act of ordinary secretary of the Party politician and p b on h and x.

Today Volkov has become a popular politician. Under the pressure of popular confidence and enthusiasm it faster and faster becoming a democratic politician. But he has yet to become a politician truly proletarian. And we sincerely wish him luck in that the only right way.

On private property ... to Yeltsin.

Yeltsin himself by his act to abolish the private ownership of the policy. But not before we had time to recover, immediately before our eyes, there was private ownership of ... Yeltsin himself.

Expressing the will and the mindset of ordinary voters, Ural Popular Front called for active participation in the elections. Formula of political behavior at the ballot box was as follows: given the lack of democratic electoral procedures, taking into account the situation in Moscow, delete all but Volkova. And then later, you can nominate a more worthy candidates, such as Yeltsin, if the bureaucracy will thwart him in Moscow. Of course, that rule is applied to the Leninsky district of the territorial number 292, where Yeltsin, moreover, has already passed (before withdrawing his candidacy in favor of Moscow).
And what happened? Headquarters for the elections, serving of the candidate Gennady Burbulis issued a leaflet, which stated that the Council of the Urals and the Popular Front for the unification of the Fatherland called to boycott the elections in the Leninsky district, using the name of Yeltsin!.
The question is: is it call delete both candidates and call to boycott the elections - it is one and the same? But with such a strikeout on all other Burbulis quite agree ...
So it turns out that the scratch for Yeltsin scientist or economist Chichkanova Month - a good thing. But scratch the name of Yeltsin Gennady Burbulis - this is bad. Delete all but Burbulis - democracy. And deleted all together with Burbulis - a sabotage!
At public meetings of his followers is simple: who calls to vote for Burbulis one Democrat. And who calls to vote "against" - that nationalist.

Think about yourself, what is democracy in the Supreme Court gave us with you a member!

What we now need?

What is needed now to make a hardware change in the bureaucracy of proletarian democracy, and therefore truly a socialist? We must remain vigilant so that instead of the illiterate apparatchik and tongue-tied around his neck, we have not sat down silver-tongued "Democrat", yesterday was serviced this apparatchik in good faith and in earnest. Today, they both want to just refurbish the facade of a bureaucratic system, replacing the bureaucracy - gruppokratiey.
We assert that the ideology of adjustment - it is not a proletarian ideology of Leninism and anti-Stalinism. But how, please tell us using the "anti-Stalinism", which is terribly dangerous for the dead Stalin, you can cope with today's bureaucrat, unashamedly crushed under itself and the election of the Supreme Council and the election in STK?
So what do today?

Further "eltsinizatsiya" Soviets, labor groups, the primary Party organizations, the further "eltsinizatsiya" STK.

 On behalf of the Council of the Popular Front for the Ural V. Molchanov,

Officer of the Sverdlovsk Medical Institute, Doctor of Philosophy

SCIENCE URAL », № 18 (418) Thursday, May 4, 1989, edition 8408.

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